Transcript/285: Lil' Taste of Poland

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Hey everybody, Dan here. I just wanted to say hello and give you all a little bit of an intro for this episode,

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because there's some things that may seem a little bit confusing,

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largely based on the fact that Jordan and I recorded this episode a couple weeks back.

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So there's some things that may sound a little bit dated.

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Like, for instance, at the beginning of the episode, I say that I just signed a lease

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when, at the point that we are now, as this episode comes out, I've already moved into this new apartment.

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And also, Jordan makes reference to the idea that we just recorded an emotionally draining episode,

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and now I have foisted this episode that you're about to listen to upon him.

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And that is because we recorded this right after we recorded the episode that came out,

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where we talked about Alex Jones' coverage of the Christchurch shooting in New Zealand.

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And so he is still reeling from that a little bit as we jump into this episode.

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For a long time now, I've been getting messages from listeners who have reached out

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and expressed that they would like for us to cover Stefan Molyneux.

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They'd like us to take a look at him and give our thoughts.

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And I've watched a number of his videos, and most of the time,

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I don't find them to be something I really have much interest in covering.

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I think a lot of people who do shows that are slightly different-focused than us

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have done some great pointing out of things that are wrong with his world.

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There's a lot of coverage you can find of that sort of stuff.

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But I did think that there was one thing that did speak to me,

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and I thought that it would be something that was worth our time,

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and that is the episode you're going to hear here.

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There was a part of me that felt that this would be the beginning of a longer series about him,

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and that may be forthcoming in the future at some point.

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It's an open question at this point, but for now, we have this episode here that I hope you enjoy.

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And we will see you back on Friday with who knows what. It could be anything!

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Andy in Kansas, you're on the air. Thanks for holding.

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Hello, Alex. I'm a first-time caller. I'm a huge fan. I love your work.

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I love you.

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Hey, everybody. Welcome back to Knowledge Fight. I'm Dan.

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I'm Jordan.

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We're a couple dudes who like to sit around, drink novelty beverages, and talk a little bit about Alex Jones.

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Oh, indeed we are, Dan.

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Jordan.

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Dan!

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Jordan.

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What was the last time you signed a lease, Dan?

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Just today.

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Just today!

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Finally got it all taken care of.

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I'd like to thank everyone for their thoughts and prayers and concerns over these trying last few weeks have been a real hassle.

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But yeah, I actually got all that taken care of. I will be moving now.

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Congratulations, Dan.

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So now it's just the stress of the actual process of moving, but that's certainly something that I can make it through.

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I've done it a hundred times in my life.

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Yeah. Oh, of course.

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No big deal in the excitement of setting up the new place and, you know, our recording space in it and having an actual bedroom.

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This will be in a one bedroom as opposed to a studio that I've lived in.

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That sort of kind of living for like the last, I don't know, over a decade.

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Yeah, absolutely.

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It'll be very interesting to sort of have a new kind of space to experience and I'm excited for that.

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You know what I just realized? I don't know your address. Go ahead and tell it to me right now.

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Can't do that.

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No, you can't do it. No, but like right now.

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No.

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There's a what?

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I will say this. I'm not going to tell anyone my address, but in a very interesting turn of events, I have lived in this building before.

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Really?

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Yeah. I'm moving back into a building I used to live in.

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That's crazy.

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Yeah. Yeah. But I did like the building. Everything was nice about it.

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The only thing that sucks is a terrible laundry room.

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Terrible laundry room.

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That's fine. There's a coin op laundry not too far away. Everything is golden.

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Ah, man. I hate a coin op laundry.

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I don't.

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I hate them.

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I don't hate it.

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I hate a laundry mat.

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Because they have the quarter machines there, which is big.

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I don't have to plan ahead of time and go to the fucking grocery store, the customer service area to get a roll of quarters.

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Of course.

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Planned so far ahead.

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Then on top of that, you know, you can just sit and read. It's nice. I don't know.

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I just don't like them, Dan.

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Fine.

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When I moved in with my girlfriend.

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You had the in-unit laundry.

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In-unit laundry.

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Right.

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First time in my life, Dan.

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Boujee asshole.

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It has been, it has been a goddamn, you have no idea.

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I'm sure.

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How beautiful an in-op laundry unit.

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There was one apartment that I had sort of looked at that had in-unit laundry.

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And I was like, this seems unessential.

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I don't like the rest of this apartment.

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And honestly, I think that the washer and dryer take too much space up.

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Oh, you're so wrong. It's worth it!

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It might be worth it, but you know, when it's, when it's that, that is like a variable that limits other parts of the apartment.

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Fair.

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I think that I can very much leave.

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I can respect that.

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Something that I can respect.

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What's that?

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Is the very generous support of our listeners.

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People who have signed up and are supporting what we do.

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We really appreciate it.

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So now it is come time for us to give a shout out to some new donors.

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Hey!

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First of all, I'd like to say thank you to Phillip.

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You are now a policy wonk.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Thank you, Phillip.

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Thanks, Phillip.

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Next, Carissa.

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Thank you. You are now a policy wonk.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Thank you, Carissa.

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Thank you very much, Carissa.

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Next, Richard.

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Thank you so much.

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You are now a policy wonk.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Thank you, Richard.

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You're a king, Richard.

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Next, Nate.

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Thank you so much.

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You are now a policy wonk.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Thank you, Nate.

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Can't wait for his buddy Warren G to generate.

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Oh, to regulate our finances.

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We're going to need it.

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Next, Kishya.

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Thank you so much.

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You are now a policy wonk.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Thank you, Kishya.

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Thank you very much.

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Finally, I'd like to say thank you to somebody who donated on an elevated level.

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We appreciate that oh so very much.

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So Brian C, thank you so much.

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You are now a technocrat.

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I'm a policy wonk.

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Four stars.

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Go home to your mom and tell her you're brilliant.

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Someone, someone sodomized and sent me a bucket of poop.

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Daddy shark.

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Bop bop bop bop bop.

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Jar Jar Binks has a Caribbean black accent.

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He's a loser little, little titty baby.

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I don't want to hate black people.

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I renounce Jesus Christ.

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Thank you so much, Brian.

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Thank you very much, Brian.

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If you're out there listening, folks, and you're thinking, hey, I like what these guys

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do.

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I'd like to support their endeavors.

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You can do that by going to our website, knowledgefight.com, clicking that button that says support the

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show.

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We would appreciate it.

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Oh so very much.

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Absolutely.

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Especially because my rent is going up.

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And I do not have a job.

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Oh boy.

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Oh boy.

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Life is good.

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I just had this weird thought of us being the worst human beings in the world.

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And instead of giving shout outs to people who do donate, we just find somebody who's

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stopped donating.

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We're like, Hey, guess who's no longer a policy walk.

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Could never imagine doing that sort of shitty thing to do.

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Or just anybody who we like, we have a, we have a good idea that you listen to our show

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and you're not paying us to go fuck yourself.

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Oh, just somebody who's got about like, just, we just randomly see if somebody has left

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to review and we're like, I don't think IP addresses of people who have downloaded and

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we're like, all right, I'm making a list.

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All right.

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There we go.

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All right.

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How fucking awful would that be?

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Terrible.

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That's like the NPR drive, except for evil.

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So Jordan, today we'll be taking a look at Stefan Molyneux, a little bit of an intro

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to looking at this, this pile of garbage.

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So our last episode was a huge downer and now we're really bringing up the wackiness.

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We're really going to make this a light breezy episode with no evil, evil monsters at all.

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Right.

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Right.

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Right.

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Um, I, I, I've really struggled with what to do about this because I, we've gotten a

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lot of like requests from people to like, Hey, you guys should cover Stefan Molyneux.

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It's like, yeah, it's not like I don't know who he is.

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He's been on info Wars a ton of times.

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I'm aware of that part of the internet where he lives and thrives.

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How do you solve a problem like Molyneux?

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Right.

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Absolutely.

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Well, one of the biggest problems is that there's so much to talk about about him.

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That's one of the things that kind of works in his favor is that anybody who wants to

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be like, all right, here's the problem with this guy, smash cut to eight hours later,

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you still haven't really demonstrated the totality of what makes his, his show and what

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he does so incredibly dangerous.

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To be honest, I do not know anything about Stefan Molyneux.

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I've seen like, I've seen people screenshot as tweets or something and it's like, to me,

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a lot of the race IQ stuff lately for sure.

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Right.

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What I see is just some, some asshole who's trying to be provocative and be like, Hey,

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look at me.

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I'm not trying to say this.

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This is just the truth, you know, open your eyes, man.

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There is a little bit of that, uh, going on with him and unfortunately some of the, like

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the more robust pieces of criticism that I have for him will have to wait because some

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of that is just outside of the scope of what I can manage today.

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But as we begin, I can give you a little bit of information about him.

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Number one, he's bald.

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Okay.

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I am out.

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That's all right.

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That's it.

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That's all you got.

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Okay.

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Fair enough.

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Fair enough.

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So right off the bat, there's, there's a ton going on when you take a bit of a closer,

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uh, beneath the surface, look, it's Stefan Molyneux far beyond what we could hope to cover

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in a single episode of this show.

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In reality, it would be hard to cover him outside of the framework of an in-depth weeks

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long series.

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And I'm hesitant to do that because I fear that some of the episodes would be meaningful,

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but dreadfully boring for a long time.

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I've resisted covering Stefan Molyneux because of stories I've heard that he's super litigious

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and really into suing people who use his content.

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I've sat with that feeling and after considering what our show is and what we stand for, I'm

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not willing to let the fear of that possibility stop me from covering someone I see as a dangerous

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pillar in the white supremacist media.

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Smash cut to eight months later.

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I've reviewed a relevant fair use laws and everything that we use of Stefan's on this

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episode and any other will be for the explicit purpose of criticizing and providing commentary.

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So I know that we're in the clear.

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There's no, we're on very solid footing, right, right, right, right.

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What compelled me to make this change in my position about sort of being hesitant to cover

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him to being like, we got to do this is that in December, 2018, he released a mini documentary

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that should scare the shit out of any right thinking person in the world.

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We'll get to that documentary, but first we need to get to know Stefan a little bit because

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you don't know anything about him.

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I don't know anything about Stefan.

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Stefan Molyneux is a self-described philosopher who disseminates his pedantic and nonsensical

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messages through a YouTube channel and his internet radio show, Free Domain Radio.

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Okay, so I don't know Stefan, but I know Stefan.

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You might've met him before.

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I've met a Stefan before.

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First of all, Molyneux isn't really an expert in philosophy.

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He has a bachelor's degree in history from McGill University and a master's in history

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from the University of Toronto, but no degrees in philosophy.

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I guess he could have been a philosophy minor, but so was I, and you don't see me doing a

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six-part series on philosophy 101 shit like the trial of Socrates and acting like I'm

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some kind of a bald YouTube version of Zizek.

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Dan, Dan, everybody, look, Dan, do you think the original philosophers went to school for

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philosophy?

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I mean, like the academy?

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No, not those people.

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The original, original philosophers, you know, like Lao Tzu, he didn't go to philosophy school.

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It was easier back then.

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He said some smart shit.

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It was easier back then.

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It was easier back then.

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People hadn't said a lot of those really basic things.

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Right, right, right.

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There was less philosophy already laying around.

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Right.

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Not to impugn the early philosophers, but they had a lot of just like fruit that was

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on the vine, ready to be picked.

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So I'll say, okay.

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And they didn't really have, like one of the important things about like philosophy education

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is like the history of these ideas and stuff like that.

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And that history didn't exist back when the early philosophers did.

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Right, right, right, right.

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So a big part of what you needed to learn about the tradition of philosophy and that

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stuff didn't exist.

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So there's a real trend in his work that's a very, it's a very trivial thing compared

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to some of his more dangerous ideas, but it's something that lives in the background of

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all of them as well.

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And that is that Stefan Molyneux is a lazy and bad philosopher.

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He uses words that sound smart to dumb people, but if you spend any time parsing out how

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he attempts to use inference to make arguments or diagram his sentences, you see clearly

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that he doesn't know how the basic tenets of logic work.

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And without logic, philosophy is just a bunch of dumb talking.

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Throughout his high school and collegiate career, Stefan Molyneux was a member of debate

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clubs and teams, which should come as a surprise to no one.

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I've said it once and I will say it again, the only people who stay on debate teams are

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pathological overachievers destined to be valedictorian and deranged psychopaths who

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feel that they can train themselves to use language as a weapon.

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I would not be surprised to learn that Stefan Molyneux was not his school's valedictorian.

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Right.

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Right, right, right.

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I, yeah, you know, I would, I hate painting people who can literally debate me with such

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a broad brush, but I think you're probably right.

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I was in a debate club for a while and I left because they're all fucked.

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Because you, you got the, you got the temperature of the room.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Like, ooh, gotta go.

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Hey, I'm not going to get over without logic, philosophy is just dumb talking.

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That is a fucking great line.

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Um, I mean, look, I don't want to say that everybody who enjoys a debate club and stuff

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like that is, you know, they're all the same person, but it is one of the, one of the biases

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that I've had in my, my, like sort of my stereotypes that I've had for my entire life.

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And I have never been wrong anytime I've met somebody who was like, oh, I love debate club.

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Saw that coming.

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Here we fucking go.

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So Stefan and his brother founded a tech company called Caribou Systems in 1995, going on to

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sell the business off in 2000.

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A listener of his show has written that on one of his private podcasts, because he puts

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up stuff behind pay walls and stuff like that, that are difficult to access.

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But on one of those episodes, Molyneux said that he received $800,000 from his share of

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the business.

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He took 18 months off work to write a book.

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This may have been his book Revolutions, which was self-published on December 9th, 2002.

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And I would have grabbed a copy of that to read so I could tell you more about it, but

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currently on Amazon, you can only buy a used copy for $1,099.

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So I'm going to have to pass.

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Uh, you can buy, you can find first editions of like Emily Dickinson that are cheaper than

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that.

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I don't know.

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I feel like those are, those would be more.

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Fair enough.

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Yeah.

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Um, so Stefan has self-published a number of books over the years, the titles like The

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Gods of Atheists, The Art of the Argument, Western Civilization's Last Stand, and On

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Truth.

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I am annoyed!

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Yeah.

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I am already annoyed at him!

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I would assume that Stefan would say that he self-publishes because Harper Collins and

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Penguin Books are run by dirty collectivists who are afraid of his ideas.

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Of course.

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But I would suggest it's equally possible that he's afraid of editor's notes and the

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inevitable rejection letters that would come from him trying to actually get anyone to

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publish his shit.

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The number of literary agents who have sent me rejection letters is daunting, and it can

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be discouraging.

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It can hurt your process.

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Oh yeah.

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So whatever the case with all that is, in 2005, Molyneux began Free Domain Radio as

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a podcast that since has grown into a full-fledged internet community.

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He has books, videos, podcasts, podcasts behind paywalls, and a robust message board where

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his followers aid in the initiation process of new recruits.

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Many of the accounts that I've been able to find of people who have left Free Domain Radio

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feature the same point.

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Somewhere along the line, something changed.

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When it began, it wasn't very cultish.

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It was just kind of a libertarian, anarcho-capitalist show and discussion group.

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But it changed.

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And members of the community who experienced it have pointed largely to Stefan Molyneux's

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refusal to accept criticism, his narcissism, which only seemed to grow as the show got

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more popular, and his clear projection about emotional issues and relationships as the

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main driver of that change.

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That doesn't sound like any cult leader I've ever heard of.

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Now I need to tell you about this documentary.

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In late 2018, Stefan Molyneux released a documentary called The Hundred Year March, a Philosopher

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in Poland, where he ostensibly goes on a fact-finding mission to Poland to experience their country's

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100th anniversary parade.

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What he actually does is something quite different, and that is what we will experience here today.

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Okay.

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Now, that premise for a documentary seems kind of fun and joyful, and it seems like

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you would go there, and you would see a nation celebrate its hundredth year, and they would

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all get together, and people would share stories, and it would be a positive way of viewing

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a country.

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You know, sure, we've done a lot of bad shit, we're a nation.

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Nations do bad shit, that happens.

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But at the end of the day, we're all the same people.

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I'm guessing there's probably a little bit of that that he experienced, but this documentary,

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taken as a whole, is profoundly fucked up.

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It is not about going to a march.

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It's about cruel indoctrination and absolutely clear demonstration of a man coming to terms

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with being a white nationalist.

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Oh, okay.

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So it's more-

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That's what we're going to experience.

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It's more like the hundredth year anniversary of the Third Reich if the Germans had won.

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So here's how we start the documentary, where Stefan is walking around in the woods, a snowy

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wood, walking around in the snow, giving out sort of the premise of what he's expecting

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to learn about.

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The diversity of Europe, the true diversity of Europe, has always fascinated me.

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I have a pan-European family history from Ireland to England to Germany, but my first

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name is actually Polish.

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It's spelled in the Polish fashion.

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And my family history bleeds eastward from Germany across to Poland.

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And I find Poland incredibly fascinating.

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My notebooks are full of so many questions and I feel like I almost can't rest, I can't

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sleep until I get some answers.

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How is Poland able to preserve its culture and its religiosity and its history so passionately

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and so powerfully?

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Why is it constantly referred to in the mainstream media press as xenophobic, as far-right, as

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you name it, ultra-nationalistic, or some awful phrase?

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Any of this true?

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I suspect that it's not.

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But I'm an empiricist, I always want to get the proof.

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It is all true.

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Oh boy.

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Oh boy.

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I, I, oh, listening to that, that's the longest sentence I've ever heard Stefan Molyneux say,

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and I totally get it.

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Because every part of that is a red flag, but he says it in such a cheery and chipper

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way.

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He's like, I'm excited to learn.

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And you're like, yeah, but all the stuff you just said makes me think that when you say

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the true diversity of Europe, you don't, I'm from pan-European nations, I'm both German

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and Polish.

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Oh right.

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Now that's, you're kind of, you're kind of not getting there.

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And you kind of also come to the idea, like I think you can tell right off the bat, even

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just by listening to just that introductory passage, that when he comes to the end there,

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he's like, everybody says that there's xenophobic, hard-right, ultra-nationalist.

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I suspect that isn't true.

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The documentary itself, you already know good and goddamn well, he's not going to debunk

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those things.

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He's going to make peace with those things.

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Gotcha.

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Gotcha.

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That's the journey he's going on.

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Yeah.

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He's like, oh, wait, I love those things.

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Yeah.

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A lot of people are saying that it's hyper-nationalist and xenophobic and very white nationalist.

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But you know what I say?

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That's probably good.

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Well.

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Have you considered it?

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Well.

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Maybe you should try it.

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We'll get through some of the dynamics and all the stuff that's really at play here as

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we go along.

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But I think one of the major reasons that he feels this way is that when he went to

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Poland, no one yelled at him.

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Just like they generally do in his daily life.

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They accept me.

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They love me.

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And I bet it's totally not because I'm white and look like them.

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Here is him discussing that just a couple of minutes, not even a couple of minutes,

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just a little bit after that last clip.

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Here's something else we did, which I'm telling you, my friends, would be impossible to do

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any other place that I've ever spoken.

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And that is we put out a request for anybody who wanted to come by and chat on social media,

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open to the world, couldn't have done this in Canada, couldn't have done this in America

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or Australia, New Zealand, other places that I've talked.

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So he's put out the call that anyone can come to his meetup that he's doing.

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He's having an exchange of ideas.

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Nice little town hall.

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Absolutely.

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And he's like, I couldn't do that anywhere else, but it's totally cool here.

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It's like that.

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Yeah.

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Okay, sure.

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You could like maybe a bad example, a bad parallel, but like you can say the N word

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at a Klan meeting and no one's going to yell at you.

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You understand?

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That's true.

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In different circumstances, you can do different things that are unacceptable in other places.

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Right.

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Being a xenophobic, hard right, ultra nationalist guy like Stefan Molyneux is, you get yelled

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at in other places where people hate those ideas.

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I can see his main appeal, I think, is he is polishing turds.

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I believe that's his main goal in life, right?

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Because he put that, he put that so lovely here, unlike anywhere else, I can have a town

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hall and share ideas with people.

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And you're like, oh, well, it's good to share ideas, but you know, you can have a town hall

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and share ideas in America.

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What is it about Poland that makes you think that maybe we're going to find out something

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different?

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And what are those ideas you want to share?

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That is a good question.

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What are those ideas?

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Are they different races are variable in quality of personhood?

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Because that's going to get some pushback from people in most places.

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So Stefan Molyneux puts out the address online for this meetup.

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And in this next clip, he describes where he goes, and they show some footage of him

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going for this meetup, and it's at a bar that he describes and we'll discuss on the other

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side of this clip.

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Has been incredibly welcoming, incredibly friendly.

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And that is an amazing thing because the view from outside Poland, there are these terrible

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international lies about Poland, you know, xenophobic and terrified and angry and fascist

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and so on.

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Right?

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None of this is true.

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Or if it's true, the nicest, friendliest fascist, I think, dare I say it, fascism with a human

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face, something like that.

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So the bar that Stefan Molyneux goes to, the only way he describes it is a place where

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this guy, they had an idea of a bar where people could have, you know, revolutionary

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ideas could be discussed.

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People who are, you know, just left or they're just right of center.

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You know, they're just objectivists.

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People like that could come together and have these ideas.

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And the great thing about it is it's in the basement of the former communist headquarters

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in Poland.

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Oh, isn't that reclaiming our space?

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Exactly.

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Yeah, yeah, yeah.

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So in reality, the bar that Stefan is giving a speech at is a place called the Freedom

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Lounge.

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Oh, I thought it was called Whites, Whites, Whites Only.

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Now, a press release from December 27th, 2017 describes it as, quote, the first right wing

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formation center in Warsaw.

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The idea from the people who founded it is clearly as a place to organize right wing

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politics, not as a place for the fun and free exchange of ideas.

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Someone might argue that this constitutes a safe space for those aspiring fascists,

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what they need, so they can talk about their shit without fear of someone calling them

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accurate names.

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But whatever.

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I'm more concerned about the fact that the founders of this lounge are very upfront about

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being a right wing formation center, but Stefan Molyneux still insists on hiding behind descriptions

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like this is a place where rationalists, objectivists, people just a little right of center can come

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to discuss ideas.

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That is an act of whitewashing intentions.

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Oh, also, if you look at it, you find that the Freedom Bar wasn't opened by some freedom

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and discussion loving Polish patriot.

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It was funded entirely by the Warsaw Enterprise Institute, a think tank which lists demography

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as one of its primary areas of interest.

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Huh.

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From the Warsaw Enterprise Institute's web page, quote, the Warsaw Enterprise Institute

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opened at the Freedom Lounge.

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It was created with conservative and free market youth in mind, a place where youth

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organizations will be able to organize their events free of charge, use the in-house television

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studio to develop their professional careers, as well as for socializing and entertainment

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purposes.

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The Freedom Lounge is part of a strategy being employed by the WEI to facilitate propaganda

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and social recruitment towards hard right ideas.

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This isn't some cool coffee house scene full of revolutionary thinkers.

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It's a well-funded hard right think tank created space where fascism can fester, which when

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you think about it is exactly the kind of place where Stefan Molyneux would like to

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give a speech at.

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Explain to me how what he said then makes sense.

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Like, at the beginning, whenever he's like, oh, you know, these people are described as

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xenophobic hard right and fascists, and they've been nothing but kind to me.

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Well, that's fascism with a human face, which you can read that code.

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Right, but someone who looks like them is genetically from that area and hates as many

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people as they do as well.

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Like, that is a meaningless sentiment unless you are a person of color or something along

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those lines coming into a place where you would be treated xenophobic, as opposed to

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a white dude with a fascist face.

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And make no mistake about it.

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Everyone in that bar is white.

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Oh, of course.

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Oh, of course.

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Everyone in this entire documentary is white.

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Not concerned.

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No.

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No, that was asked and answered the moment I read one of Stefan Molyneux's tweets.

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Heavily implied that you're not going to see a lot of different folk.

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Would be shocked if he's met a black person that he, you know, yeah.

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So he gives this speech at this WEI funded, organized and run far right, right wing politics

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formation center in Warsaw, and he's passing it off as this like cool fucking awesome place

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where just like really cool kids who like a free market get together and talk shop.

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Sure.

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So that's great.

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That's great.

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Can you point me to any cool kid who likes discussing the free market?

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I'm sure one exists, but I have no idea.

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I don't think anybody's riding up in a motorcycle in a leather jacket, 17 years old, like, hey

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man, do you understand how trickle down economics actually works?

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Keynesian economics is a lie.

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Let's get on out of here.

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Leader of the pack.

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Yeah.

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I don't know.

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I'm sure someone exists in that mold, but it's kind of comical to imagine them rebel

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with the free market cause I believe was the original working title of the movie.

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Or you go back to civil war type ideas, rebel with a lost cause narrative that he wants

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to put into the world.

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So he gives this speech and what a shock here is his response to it afterwards.

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He's just so amazed that it went so well.

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We were in a glass enclosed area facing the street, talking about radical, powerful philosophical

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ideas for hours with no fear of crazy people who want to shoot us or bricks coming through

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the window or bomb threats, emptying the building or all the other things that have happened

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other places that I've gone to speak.

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That's an amazing experience.

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Although we talked about ideas all night without anyone crying racist or sexist or cisgendered

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scum or heteronormal or all of the other refuse and garbage that clouds intellectual discussions

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in the West and reduces us to identity politics, obsessed, obsessed ashes of our former selves.

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It was wonderful to have that.

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So wonderful.

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You have a look on your face of just stupefied wonder.

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I really don't like in that, Dan, you're mean because there's no way that it because, look,

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immediately following this fucking New Zealand terror attack, we have some assholes be like,

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no fear of crazy people who might send bomb threats or others.

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And I'm like, that's because they look like you and think the same shit you do.

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Well, of course.

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It's the same shit that motivates the people who throw bombs at minorities and you don't

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get fucking.

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Oh, no.

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I went to this meeting and there were zero burning crosses on it.

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And it was so surprising to me.

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Like the reality is that what he's probably actually talking about is less like bomb threats

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and actually him fearing for his safety.

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He's really more talking about when I give speeches, they get disrupted.

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Yeah.

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Like if I were to go to some college campus in the United States and try and give a speech,

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I would get that Milo treatment.

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I would get people who were like, fuck you.

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No one says that you're racist or a cisgendered male.

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No.

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And that's because everyone there is racist and a cisgendered male.

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I mean, not everybody, but they exist inside a system where those concerns aren't concerns

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for them.

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Yeah, exactly.

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They keep all that shit either out or repressed to a level where it never the conversation

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about like those human rights just doesn't come up.

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So in this next clip, he discusses meeting someone at this bar and this is the only place

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where I'm going to make a leap of logic that is maybe irresponsible, but I think I know

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who it is.

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I'm not entirely sure, but I think I know who it is.

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If you were making a leap of faith, I would say it was Ezio Auditore from Assassin's Creed.

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It is not.

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Well, at least not based on my suspicion, but here is that clip.

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I met a man in the Freedom Bar who had an in to the man who was organizing the entire

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100-year Freedom March.

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Now, they were facing some incredible opposition.

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It was actually shortly after I landed that we found out that the mayor of Warsaw had

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canceled the entire march, had banned the entire march, and they were engaged in a significant

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legal battle and a culture battle and a media battle to try and get the march back on.

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So he meets this guy at the Freedom Bar who is trying to get this march going because

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it was canceled by the mayor of Warsaw, which we'll get into in a little bit.

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No, no, no.

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That's a big first question.

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Before you end any...

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Before you're like, and there's been a long culture battle and legal battle, you should

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first be like, the mayor of Warsaw canceled the march.

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Here is why the mayor of Warsaw canceled the march.

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He doesn't want to talk about that.

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You can't just skip over that.

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Oh, but we'll talk about it in great detail later.

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I imagine so.

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But for now, we have to jump to who I think he's talking about because he's one of the

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only other people who's interviewed in this documentary.

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Okay.

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Then the main focus of it, who's the politician who's trying to get the march going.

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Gotcha.

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This in between, I believe, is this guy whose name is Lukas Warcega.

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And here is a little bit of his interview that Stefan has.

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Liberal here would be more free market.

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In America, it means more lefty.

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But yes, but I mean the Polish sense, the European sense of the word, liberal as economic

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liberal.

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It's like an insult in Poland because people have in mind not the period of collectivism

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during the People's Republic of Poland.

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They have in mind the whole period between, let's say, 1993 and 2015 when they say these

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were thieves who ruled.

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So remember that 2015 date because I think that's important.

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So I suspect that this is who is the person who is the in between that connects Stefan

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Molyneux with the guy who we'll talk about in the next clip.

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Sure.

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And this guy, whether or not he is the person who was the in between, kind of irrelevant.

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Right.

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This guy is named Lukas Warcega.

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If you Google him, you'll find that he's a very accomplished photographer, which is great,

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but doesn't really explain his involvement in this documentary.

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To understand that, you have to go past the first page of search results.

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That's tough to do.

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But if you do, you find a really crazy coincidence that Lukas Warcega is one of the primary writers

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for the Warsaw Enterprise Institute, the people who built the freedom bar that Stefan Molyneux

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gave a speech at earlier.

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On January 1st, 2019, Warcega published a column decrying how teaching children in school

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about hate speech and its consequences amounted to liberal indoctrination of school kids.

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He discusses a textbook passage about a pyramid that's in the textbook that describes different

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levels of hate.

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Quote, the lowest floor of the pyramid is verbal lack of acceptance, which is absurd

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in itself.

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Are we obliged to approve of everything we do not like, even verbally?

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It looks like it because this layer we see exclusion language, parentheses, out of focus

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category, arbitrarily interpreted by the left, spreading myths, stereotypes and rumors, parenthetically.

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We can't even gossip and even making malicious jokes.

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According to Allport's scheme, as shown in that picture, all of these behaviors lead

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to violence at the end, while the top of the pyramid is extermination.

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So to put it in a nutshell, maliciously joking with a friend, I'm aiming for his extermination.

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No.

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He's making a...

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That's a dumb, dumb, dumb, dumb, dumb argument.

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Are all of your pictures of disembodied hoods?

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Well, so, I mean, he's making this same sort of culture battle argument that we hear from

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Alex Jones all the time, this idea of like these making younger people aware of the consequences

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of their actions, that sort of thing, is tantamount to indoctrinating them to be all about the

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degeneracies of society.

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What, now I can't even tell somebody to their face that I don't like them because they're

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gay?

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What?

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So, Lucas wrote a piece skeptical about vaccines on October 7th, 2018.

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On August 9th, 2018, he wrote a piece dismissive of the dangers of drunk driving.

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It just goes on and on.

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You start to see the picture coming into shape here.

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There's the beginning of a pretty solid picture.

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Dismissive of the dangers of drunk driving?

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Right, because...

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That's a hot take.

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Well, the think tank probably accepts money from the alcohol industry.

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Oh, of course.

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That's very common.

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You see that sort of argument being made by people who take alcohol industry money in

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America.

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Right.

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And the same sorts of arguments permeate.

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The Warsaw Enterprise Institute is an organization that is incredibly hard right, and their fingerprints

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are all over this documentary.

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The fact that at no point does Stefan Molyneux ever call out their involvement or the fact

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that they keep popping up all over the place, pretty much every aspect of his trip to Poland,

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makes me pretty suspicious that it's because he was told not to mention it.

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It sounds like that.

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That's kind of a main feeling that I have here.

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The idea that this bar that he's lionizing as the place where we can have this free conversation

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is entirely funded by them and run by them as a right-wing formation center.

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One of the very few people he interviews, who's a photographer, outside of him being

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a pundit for the Warsaw Enterprise Institute is just a photographer, I don't know why he's

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in the documentary unless there's some sort of a connection, and it gets worse.

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It seems like if you're going to this bar, which you hail as this wonderful place, you

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might want to give people a little bit of history about who started that bar, who's

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funding that bar, the people that we can thank for that bar's existence.

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Why not?

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Like, have you ever gone to a cool bar?

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You know, you've been to so many cool bars in college town.

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You know, we were in Austin, we went to some cool bars there, and any time we asked people

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about it, they'd be like, yeah, this was started by this guy, and it's got a long history.

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There's no point would anybody just be like, yeah, it's a cool place for people to hang

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out.

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If your perception of it is that this is a heroic, important, free speech wonder, the

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ninth wonder of the world here in Warsaw, then it would behoove, or not behoove you

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really, but like, it wouldn't be an ugly thing to just say like, and thank God the Warsaw

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Enterprise Institute paid for this to exist.

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Right.

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Wouldn't you be excited to tell people?

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Because they're good in your world.

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Look at, how excited would you be to tell people about how they created this wondrous

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place?

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Because they are nothing but heroes.

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To the narrative that you're putting forth, unless you recognize on some level, Stefan,

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that recognizing how they're all over this documentary would make most right-thinking

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people think, oh, this was funded by the WEI.

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This is propaganda.

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This is 100% paid propaganda.

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I went to the Prager University, haha, okay, now we're done, goodbye.

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You can stop right there.

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Yeah.

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Well, I don't know if that, Lukas Warceka, is the guy who connected Stefan with this

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guy he's going to talk to, who's trying to get the march running in earnest, but in this

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next clip, we do meet that guy, and, wah, wah.

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This is the map of Warsaw, and we start the march here.

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We go this street through the center of Warsaw, through the bridge, and we finish the march

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close to the National Stadium.

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So he's giving Stefan the lay of the land of what this march is going to be about, and

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that's all good and well, you know, whatever.

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First we march southwest, and then southeast, and then northeast, and then northwest, and

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then we go back down southeast, and then southwest, and then go back over northwest, and then

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we march back up northeast, and then back down southeast, and then go back down one

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more time straight south, and one more time straight east.

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How long you can do this.

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I'm pretty much, I think if you diagram it out, you know what I got.

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So this is the voice of Krzysztof Bosak, he's pretty much the primary interview subject

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for this documentary.

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He's credited as the organizer of Poland's 100-year anniversary march, although interestingly,

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whoever edited the film misspelled organizer as O-R-G-N-I-S-E-R, which is a pretty easy

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and pretty simple fuck-up for someone to make, especially if they talk about IQ all the time,

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as Stefan Molyneux does, misspelling fucking organizer.

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He's organizer than you.

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The more important thing here is that Krzysztof is not just the organizer of the march, he's

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also a far-right politician who's only gotten more right-wing as his career has gone on.

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He's currently a member of the National Movement Party, the party that only came into existence

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in 2013, and has been a force of hyper-nationalism and xenophobia ever since, with a little dash

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of LGBT folk don't deserve rights thrown in for good measure.

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Sure, you gotta toss that in.

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Yeah, to taste.

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Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.

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Though the party is technically only six years old at this point, the Independent has reported

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that they trace their roots to, quote, anti-Semitic groups active before World War II.

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They aren't a wildly successful party from an electoral standpoint, but they are very

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relevant in terms of how they've played a role in shifting Poland's politics to the

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extreme right in recent years, along with a couple of other parties that are affiliated

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with them, who surprisingly, or not surprisingly, are also involved in organizing this march.

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So we trace our history back to anti-Semitism before World War II?

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Yes.

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All right.

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That's not a ringing endorsement?

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I believe we'll get a little bit more into that a little bit later in the episode.

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I definitely wouldn't call that a credit.

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No.

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But I don't think he credits, I don't think he in an interview would say that.

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Oh no, of course not.

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But I think that it's known and they do talk about it, and that critical coverage of him

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might point that out, but he's a leading politician in the National Movement Party that has deeply

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anti-Semitic roots.

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That's not how I'd want to be brought up on a comedy show, you know what I'm saying?

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You don't want that to be in your intro?

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No, no, no.

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And coming up to the stage, tracing his lineage all the way back to anti-Semites from before

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World War II, ladies and gentlemen, give it up for Jordan, no thank you.

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He was into anti-Semitism before it was really uncool.

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Back when it was just really uncool, and before it was really uncool.

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So you remember that that other guy, Lucas Wojciechow, was saying, he was describing

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that terrible period as being between 1993 and 2015.

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And part of that is probably because Poland's current president has been in office since

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2015.

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And in that time, he's done a good deal of work towards what you might call solidifying

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anti-democratic power.

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Andrzej Duda has essentially crippled their court system by refusing to swear in justices

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to the Constitutional Tribunal and refusing to give their rulings official state backing.

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Despite those troubling signs, Polish journalists routinely dismiss Duda as just a puppet of

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the real power in the Polish government, JarosÅ,aw KarczyÅ„ski.

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He's the leader of the Law and Justice Party, which Duda was a part of until he got elected

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and then he became an independent.

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But all signs point to him really still being under the sway of Karczyński, God damn, so

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many Y's and C's all over the place.

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I understand.

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Karczyński is a hard-right nationalist who aspires to assert complete government control

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over the judiciary, put controls in place over the media, and usher in what he calls

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a quote, moral revolution.

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He's super bad news, and he's head of the party that elected Duda as well as their current

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prime minister in Poland by passing them off as moderate candidates, when in reality, all

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indications are that they're actually getting their marching orders directly from him.

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If it's not clear why this is a problem, Peter Stasinski, a journalist who published underground

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periodicals against the Communist Party in the 80s, put it this way, quote, there are

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no longer checks and balances of power.

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The parliamentary system is dysfunctional.

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The Constitutional Court and judiciary are paralyzed.

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New laws passed by the parliament can't be challenged or changed.

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The government is supposed to publish sentences of the Constitutional Court to the Journal

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of Laws for them to become legally effective.

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This is required by the Constitution.

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But the government, by not printing them, paralyzes the Constitutional Court, which

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has been reduced to announcing its sentences on the Internet without any legal effect.

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It's a very dangerous time.

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It's a very dangerous time because in that kind of an environment, evil people are the

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first to realize that there are no longer consequences for their actions.

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In this vacuum in Poland, fascists and xenophobic groups have been growing in power at a very

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rapid pace since 2015, knowing that the state isn't going to be there to push back against

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the mob.

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This all came to a head at the Independence Day march in 2017, the year before this documentary

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is shot, which brings us to the reason why there isn't going to be a march this year,

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according to the mayor of Warsaw.

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There's a real reason, but here's what Krzysztof Bosak says.

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What is their excuse, I guess, to cancel the march?

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It's pure nonsense.

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There is no reason in Polish law, and we went to the court and the court canceled the cancellation

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of the march.

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So we organized the march since nine years.

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We organized it always legally.

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It's not a far-right march, it's a national conservative march, patriotic march.

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Are those different?

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Organized by grassroots right-wing organizations from conservative libertarians, center-right

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people to nationalists, traditional Catholics, monarchists, and so on.

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Very different people in one march connected by national pride and patriotism and belief

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that Polish independence is something very important for us.

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So that's a great way to say things, but that's complete bullshit.

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So this documentary is literally called Turd Polishing, then?

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Yes.

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Okay.

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So you may remember the videos that came out in 2017 of the independence march in Poland,

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and if you do, you remember seeing a horrifyingly large group of people with some real fucked-up

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signs chanting horrible things.

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There were chants of pure Poland, white Poland, and refugees get out that broke out all over

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the march route.

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One man interviewed by a news station said that he was marching to, quote, remove Jewry

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from power.

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Tommy Robinson made the trip from the UK specifically to be there for that independence day march.

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Andy Eddles, a language teacher in Poland, described the march as, quote, 50 to 100,000

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mostly football hooligans hijacking patriotism.

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People in black masks marched behind large banners that read, Islam equals terror, and

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carried signs with slogans like, white Europe of brotherly nations.

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Many carried signs displaying the Falanga, the symbol of the National Radical Camp, an

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ultra-nationalist political party which traces its roots to the Falanga National Radical

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Camp, a group active in the 1930s who defined themselves by their fascism, antisemitism,

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and eliminationism.

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They were a large driving force of antisemitic violence in Poland in the lead-up to World

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War II.

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Their party was outlawed by the state back then, but now, in 2017, their banner flew

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freely at this independence day march.

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As you might imagine, the optics of this were fucking terrible.

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Oh, no, why?

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Politicians marched alongside outright fascists, a celebration of national independence being

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characterized by people with signs demanding a white Europe.

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That sort of thing is not good for your look if you're, the politicians are like, I don't

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want to be associated with this.

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Whether or not I am okay with it, I don't want to be associated with it, too many of

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these videos are making it into international media.

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Yeah, I don't like, I don't, like when you describe them as football hooligans who are

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also racist, I'm like, oh yeah, we have those in America.

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There's a reason Colin Kaepernick doesn't have a job.

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We don't even need to bother with the football equals soccer here.

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You just use your word, we use ours, same shit, different day.

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So obviously people weren't happy about that march and the optics and the visuals that

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came out of it and people being like, uh-oh, that's really fucking scary, that sort of

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thing.

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So when the 2018 march rolled around, the mayor of Warsaw said no to the organizers,

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like Christoph Bosock, saying, quote, the city has suffered enough from aggressive nationalism.

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President Duda decided to make his own Independence Day march to replace the one that was banned,

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those being organized by these hyper-nationalist groups.

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That sounds like an adult thing to do.

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But he specifically said that if anyone was carrying a racist or fascist banner, they

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would be arrested.

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So they canceled the march.

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No, they did do the march, but it was a sanitized, whitewashed version of it under threat of

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arrest.

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They did that.

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The presence of chaotic laws and rampant unconstitutionality taking place since 2015 have created the

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environment in Poland where these sorts of things are bound to happen.

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We've seen the same thing happen in our country, where fascists and Nazis feel free to walk

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around in public, unashamed.

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This is a large-scale problem in the world, which is why it should come as no surprise

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that at the 2017 march, fascists also marched with signs that said, we want God, which was

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a reference to a Polish song.

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They weren't quoting the song.

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They were quoting Trump referencing the song in a speech that he gave in Poland a few months

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prior.

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Of course.

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Of course.

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A defense of the march was published in Politico's European Arm.

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It makes a very strange attempt to minimize the fascist character of many of the march's

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attendees.

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Quote, out of the 60,000 people in attendance, no more than 10% could legitimately be called

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far-right nationalists of the fascist variety.

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Too many.

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So that's a real...

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Some would say too many.

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So this is...

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6,000?

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6,000 is a lot.

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This guy trying to defend this march and he's starting with 10%?

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That is not a good sign.

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I would...

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Look, I was there, 60,000 total people, and only 6,000 people told me that N-words need

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to go.

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Like it was...

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It's so nice.

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It's nice.

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So that post ends with an argument that this is really about how the EU is desperate to,

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quote, use the threat of fascists as an excuse to push for further centralization of bureaucratization.

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It's probably worth noting that that defense, that article in Politico, was written by Tomas

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Worlowski, who's the president of the Warsaw Enterprise Institute.

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I was about to say, I didn't wanna pull...

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Because I knew this was coming, because I did the same thing to you whenever I did my

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climate change episode.

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But yeah, I saw that one coming a long way off.

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That was not difficult to guess in advance.

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Fingerprints everywhere, everywhere.

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So that's kind of what's going on with this march.

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It got way out of hand in 2017, and the city was like, fuck this.

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And then they came up with a sanitized version that was agreeable to everybody.

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The nationalists still got to be a part of the march.

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The government got to celebrate the 100th anniversary.

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Everyone got to come out and do this.

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And it didn't appear to be something so fucked up like it was the year before.

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Right.

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Nobody screamed, kill the Jews.

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Everybody was like, let's get rid of the Js.

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They mumbled, kill the Jews.

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They were talking about the Blue Jays, I assume.

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Yeah.

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They don't like Jose Bautista.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Don't have any other Blue Jays records.

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That was not a bad one.

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Thanks.

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That was a good one.

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That was good work.

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Thank you.

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So Stefan is here, and he's really excited to go to this march.

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And it would be hard for me to see that, hear that, without thinking, part of why you're

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excited to go to this march is because you know what happened in 2017.

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It doesn't, I don't know how to encapsulate this other than he saw the image of what was

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being reported in the 2017 march.

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So he comes to the 2018 march with the idea of like, is it as bad as everyone says?

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And obviously it's not going to be as bad because the government has stepped in and

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said we will arrest you if you have racist and fascist signs.

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Right.

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If the government didn't do that, in 2018, the march would have been probably just as

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bad as in 2017.

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But they had to control some of those aspects.

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So what you're seeing is actually the opposite of free speech being represented and manifested

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here.

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And it's a trap.

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Because Stefan Molyneux is going to come in, he's going to see the march, everyone lies

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about them.

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I didn't see any Jew bashing here.

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Everyone is just so full of shit.

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The only reason that is the case is because of state control, which you are super against.

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But he knew that, so I don't know when he made the plan to go to this march.

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But he knew before he made the plan to go to the march that the government was going

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to clamp down on hate speech.

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Maybe.

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So my supposition, my supposition is this.

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Or the Warsaw Enterprise Institute knew that.

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Well, yeah, yeah.

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My supposition is also, you know, it wouldn't have mattered.

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It could have been a shit show like it was in 2017.

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But he still would have made the same documentary.

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Do you know what I'm saying?

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I don't know.

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I don't think he could have.

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Well, he probably couldn't have.

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But he would have tried.

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He would have tried his hardest.

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He would have tried to make the same point with a different documentary, with a different

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presentation.

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It would probably end up being about the awful Antifa leftists in Poland who are trying to

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stop this march from happening or something like that.

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It would turn into a victim narrative as opposed to a, isn't this white ethno state wonderful?

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Which is where we're going.

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Right.

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Spoiler alert.

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That's where we're going.

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We're going to talk about black people.

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And I was yelled at.

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Isn't it black people's fault?

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I went to a bar where there were a ton of black people around and I said that they genetically

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have lower IQs.

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And they weren't willing to engage me in serious debate?

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They wouldn't let the free exchange of ideas happen, man.

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Oh, no.

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Get the fuck out of here.

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No shit.

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That's my position on that sort of thing.

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No fucking shit.

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So there's an interesting irony that Stefan Molyneux claims that he has some sort of Polish

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heritage, but he's not really specific about it.

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And it's not a major part of his identity at all.

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He thinks that his name is spelled in the Polish way, which is whatever.

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I don't give a shit.

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But it's shocking to me how excited he is to take part in this Polish Independence Day

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thing when he's not Polish.

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He's not involved with their country at all.

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And so here's him expressing some of that.

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So here you're able to celebrate being Polish.

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You're able to celebrate Poland and everything it has survived and everything it will accomplish

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in the future.

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Unironically, without having to defer to other people's feelings, other cultures' feelings,

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other races' feelings, you can just celebrate who you are and where you are.

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I really wanted a taste of that, like I could return to that brief window of my childhood

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where celebration and pride was possible.

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And I can't wait to see it in the flesh come to life again.

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Before this, he was talking about how when he was a younger man in the UK, there was

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a pride that you could have in being English.

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And now that sort of disappeared because of, I guess, diversity and multiculturalism.

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So he's like, now I'm here in Poland and maybe I can taste those sunset vistas of my youth

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that I remember so romantically in my head of being proud of being British by sort of

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association or it's a mess.

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Just from a moral standpoint, does what he, does what he, does he think what he just said

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is a good thing?

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Yeah.

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Because I feel like what he just said is you're allowed to celebrate being, like when he says

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without having to defer to other races is like, wait, do you mean without having to

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consider what other people think?

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Period.

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Yeah, exactly.

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You're allowed to celebrate being Polish.

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You're allowed to celebrate being this part of this nation.

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And you don't even have to think about how you're ruining other people's lives.

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Like that's kind of what he's just said.

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Right?

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Well, I really kind of think that he's just saying like, as long as you have a white nation,

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you don't have to be concerned about other races and what you're doing to them because

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they aren't there.

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Right.

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So at this point in the documentary, Stefan plays a bunch of swelling music and shows

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B-roll of the Independence Day March.

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Again, it's important to note that this is the 2018 March, which is operating with a

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strict order from the government, that it's a sanitized version because of last year.

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This isn't a free speech haven as he wants to portray it as.

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It's a march that exists at the full expectation that if you show up with a no more Jews sign,

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you're going to get arrested.

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Like I said earlier, this is a very literal representation of repressiveness in a march

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that he's attending, but it definitely helps him create the visuals that he needs, namely

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that the ultra nationalists he's hanging out are really just super into Poland, not that

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they're crazy xenophobic bigots.

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The optics are there for him so perfectly and he presents it in the worst manipulative

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way possible.

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By censoring speech, I present this place as a bastion of free speech.

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Right.

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Yeah.

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So in this next clip, we get to Stefan sort of wrestling with the idea that he's so anti-collectivist

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to a very serious extent.

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Like he's been an individualist that's defined so much of his career.

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You can find probably a decade's worth of videos on his YouTube channel that he has,

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I would say he should have taken down some of them and thankfully I've got copies of

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them.

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So even if he does take them down, I don't really give a shit.

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But there's so many things from his career.

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One of the biggest pieces of it is a obsession with individualism to a severe extent.

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And as he discusses why he went to Poland, he starts to talk about how he wanted to challenge

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his individualism and whether or not there is the possibility of collectives being okay.

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And that's fucked up given what we know about the collective that he's hanging out with.

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But it's not unexpected.

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Oh boy.

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I also wanted to put my individualism to the test because those of you who watched my show

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for the last 12 years know that I'm a very staunch individualist, know that I am skeptical

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if not hostile to collectivism as a whole.

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And here you can see we have people marching in the same direction, carrying the same flag

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with the same pride.

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And I have to tell you, I feel like something has just kind of broken in two within me.

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But Aristotle said 2,500 years ago, whoever can live alone is either an animal or a God.

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Well, I of course am neither an animal nor a God.

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And I remember the pride when I was a child of the Second World War of the Battle of Britain.

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And the last few days here in Poland, I've just kind of shattered something within me

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in that the sense of collective unity, the sense of collective pride, the sense of having

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a tribe, the sense of having a culture you can be proud of has arisen within me.

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And I've never been to Poland before.

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My first name is Polish.

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I know there's family history, but I've never been to Poland before.

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And I can't tell you how strange a feeling it is that I have a sense of unity with people

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in a country I've never been to before.

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I think this clip is a perfect encapsulation of how bigots hide behind lofty ideas to mask

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their real positions.

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In this clip, Stefan claims that his long-standing position of being an individualist is being

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shattered by being around these people who are all marching in the same direction and

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are there for the same reason.

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That's bullshit.

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Have you ever been to the Pride Parade?

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How about the Puerto Rican Day Parade?

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Any of these parades that I've been to in Chicago that are equally moving if you just

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engage with what, beep, beep, beep.

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Now, collectivists.

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All it took for Stefan Molyneux to reconsider one of his deepest held beliefs, that he has

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- namely, that a man is an individual and collectives are to be viewed with suspicion

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- all it took to shatter that was to be walking around in a large collective of only

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white people.

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That is all that is happening here in any way.

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That is it.

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I was a rugged individualist living in Atlanta and then, believing that I could never find

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a collective, I went to my first Klan rally and I finally found out that collectives aren't

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bad.

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Yeah.

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Fuck you.

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Hey.

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What?

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Look, I didn't want this to be a thing any more than you do.

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But the moment he started saying, like, I've always been an individualist and I finally

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found a collective, I was literally, in my head was screaming, just cut his dick off.

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Like, they're screaming.

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But then also at the same time, what you have to recognize, I think, is that this is the

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same thing as Alex, once he realizes, like, the white nationalist applications of Rex

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84.

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Yeah.

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Like, flipping on his very long-standing beliefs.

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Because those beliefs are conditional.

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Those things that these people have built their entire careers, personalities, identities,

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philosophies, on flip.

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As soon as they recognize, oh, this works better for me.

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Yeah.

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As soon as that being absorbed in the hole of an ethno state or whatever.

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Right, right, right.

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As soon as you experience that, you're like, oh shit, individualism sucks, I want to be

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with my whites.

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Yeah.

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It sucks, man.

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It's so sad.

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It's such a bummer to see.

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And it's one of the reasons why I argue at the beginning of this episode, and will continue

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to, at every episode that we do about Stefan, is that he is a lazy, bad philosopher.

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Yeah.

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Because how did you not consider these possibilities in the last 12 years you've been doing your

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show?

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As like, well, maybe I would be into collectives if they were the kind of collectives I would

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super be into, namely ones that exclude people I'm creeped out by.

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Yeah.

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Or afraid of, or whatever.

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Yeah, yeah, yeah.

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Yeah.

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I think in that last clip there, you got the sense that Stefan was about to cry.

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You kind of, I don't know if you could pick that up, but if you were watching the video,

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you could definitely see some wavering in his like, I've never, I've never seen a collective

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like this.

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Something in me has shattered.

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Right.

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In this next clip, he starts crying.

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This quiet unity, this quiet pride, this calm resolution, this celebration without giddiness,

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I've never seen it before.

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And I feel almost, I hate to say born again, but almost like something has broken within

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me that I have put up to defend myself against criticisms of unity, against criticisms of

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pride.

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It is an appalling thing to take away people's history.

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It is an appalling thing to take away people's pride.

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And it is an appalling thing to take away their unity because I've never felt it more

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strongly than I do today.

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Together we stand divided.

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Gross.

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We fall.

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Gross.

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So then the swelling music kicks back in.

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Fuck you.

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More B-roll of the march.

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You emotionally manipulative piece of shit.

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Oh, totally.

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I'm going to, his new name is turd polisher Steve.

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But dude, I don't, I'm not against that, but I also, I'm calling him a TPS report from

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now on.

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I'm fine with that.

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But I also do think he's struggling a little bit.

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You know, like I know that there is like clear intention and malice and propaganda going

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on here, but I do think that there is some part of him that's like, fuck, I realize what

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my career is about now.

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This is what I've been talking about this.

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Like I, it's almost, it's not really even that he had to go to Poland to see these things

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to get to that place.

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I think it's just a realization of like, all right, let's just get real.

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Let's just get real.

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This is what I'm about already.

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Fuck it.

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I'm a white nationalist.

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Look, I've been to the gay pride parade and I felt zero pride and I felt like I was being

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attacked, but I go to this white nationalist parade and I realized that collectivism is

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great.

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So now I want a nation for whites.

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I want a nation for gays.

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I want a nation for black people.

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I want to say this super clearly and very specifically, the footage that he shows of

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the parade in Poland, like it is all white people, but I don't think that all of those

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people are bigots or anything like that.

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There's a lot of people who are there with their kids who are out for the anniversary

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of their country's parade in Warsaw.

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That's cool.

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Yeah, absolutely.

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And everybody loves the fucking parade, man.

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Totally.

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Yeah.

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There's just a parade.

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There's a overwhelming indictment of everybody who was in that parade, but knowing the history

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of the previous years of that parade, it's tough to escape the character of the march

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itself.

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And again, not an indictment of all of these people there or the city of Warsaw or Poland

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even as a whole.

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It's not the people's fault there.

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There's something scary that's happening there.

Unknown Speaker (01:03:16.199)

Is it like when they showed B-roll of the parade, was it like a fun parade?

Unknown Speaker (01:03:20.679)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:03:21.679)

A lot of it seemed pretty awesome.

Unknown Speaker (01:03:22.679)

Yeah.

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There were people with flares and stuff like that.

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Okay.

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That's great.

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I remember growing up, I was in the marching band and I used to play for the town parade

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that we would always do.

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The high school marching band would always play.

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And I remember people throwing candy out.

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There were floats.

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Is it that kind of thing?

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Is it that kind of...

Unknown Speaker (01:03:41.559)

No.

Unknown Speaker (01:03:42.559)

No.

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It's mostly just people walking with Polish flags.

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Okay.

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It's fine.

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Yeah.

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And some music and people singing patriotic songs and stuff like that.

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Yeah.

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But as it becomes night, there are people with flares and doing sort of...

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It's not really even a dance, but sort of a demonstration with the flares.

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Right.

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See, this is again why a carnival is the best parade.

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Absolutely.

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When you have to describe something as not really a dance, then you don't understand

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how joy works.

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I would say a little gay of carnival.

Unknown Speaker (01:04:15.840)

But the other thing too is that like all of the B-roll, until it gets to evening when

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there's those people with the flares, it's all just people with Polish flags.

Unknown Speaker (01:04:24.920)

And part of that is what President Duda said, which is, I believe his quote was...

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Put away your hate the Jews and put up your Polish flags.

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You can come, but only come with your red and white flags.

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Something along those lines.

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That's the only thing that's going to be acceptable for people to be marching with.

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Right.

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So people understood that we're going to get arrested if we come with anything else.

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So we've already got our first absolute bullshit thing that he's doing here is he's saying

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all of these...

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Our first?

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Okay.

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I apologize for saying first.

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Our what?

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Let's call it 68th.

Unknown Speaker (01:05:00.300)

He is saying that the people who have covered the parade in the past have gotten the parade

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wrong because this parade that he's at currently does not reflect the coverage from the previous

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parade.

Unknown Speaker (01:05:13.519)

Yes.

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He is not admitting that the current parade does not reflect at all the previous parade.

Unknown Speaker (01:05:19.599)

The circumstances are entirely different.

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So both can be true.

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You can have the white nationalist horrifying parade that the mainstream media covered perfectly.

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And you can also have the relatively calm parade in 2018.

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Sanitized version for optics.

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But they're not mutually exclusive.

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No, but if you're...

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He's trying to present them as though they were mutually exclusive.

Unknown Speaker (01:05:42.280)

Well, because the part that he wants to express really is that what was being talked about

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in the 2017 aftermath and all that stuff was bullshit.

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Right.

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It was fake.

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It was just a bunch of collectivists coming in.

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False flags.

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Globalists coming in and saying like...

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Of course.

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They are fake news-ing this wonderful celebration of Poland and all this and whatever.

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So at this point, there's a lot of swelling music and more B-roll of the parade.

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And then the parade ends and there's more sort of heroic contemplative music.

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And Stefan Molyneux is at a graveyard and he starts waxing poetic about Poland's role

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in World War II.

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I already don't wanna hear this.

Unknown Speaker (01:06:23.000)

We're not gonna listen to any of it because it's so rambling and so long.

Unknown Speaker (01:06:25.639)

Okay, thank God.

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And also point taken.

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Like whatever thing he could be trying to bring into the conversation, we know.

Unknown Speaker (01:06:34.360)

And that is that World War II fucking sucked.

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It was a horrible time for people, including the Polish.

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Everybody did not have a good time in World War II.

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So him waxing rapasotic about Poland's role in World War II, it's like, yes, sure.

Unknown Speaker (01:06:52.320)

Doesn't help your point here.

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It really doesn't.

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He loves to, whenever people critique him on Twitter and stuff like that, his stock

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response is always not an argument to send back to them.

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So I would suggest you blowing hard in a fucking graveyard about why this white nationalism

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that you were coming to accept, that's not an argument.

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Whatever you're doing is not an argument.

Unknown Speaker (01:07:18.960)

So at this point, Stefan Molyneux gets on a train and he has a little bit of a breakdown

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on this train.

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Not a crying breakdown.

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He did that at the parade.

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But he has a little bit of a breakdown about his ideas, his philosophy that he's maintained

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for all these years, particularly about the idea of collectivism being bad.

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Is there a benevolent collectivism?

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Is there a good version of collectivism?

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Have I seen it here in Poland?

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I have seen so many negative aspects of collectivism that it became a devil with no redeeming characteristics

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or features for me.

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It was a cloud with no silver lining.

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It was a night without a dawn, a rain without an end.

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And almost like trying to sand or jam a square peg into a round hole, I have to face the

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fairly beautiful collectivism of the Poles and try and figure it into my mindset of collectivism

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as bad.

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Even my definition of collectivism has been found wanting.

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But I am an empiricist and I also respect emotion.

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And if my emotions react positively to the beauty and strength of Polish collectivism,

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I can't just dismiss that.

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I can't just say, well, that's just a silly throwback to medieval tribalism and it must

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be expunged from my character.

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So that's tough.

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That's tough to square.

Unknown Speaker (01:08:45.439)

So turd polisher Steve here.

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Right.

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TPS.

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Is everybody not I don't understand how he has a cult because it's very clear that he

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is a pompous, pretentious fuck who should shut the hell up.

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I don't understand.

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I don't understand how people are listening.

Unknown Speaker (01:09:01.199)

That's a pretty understated criticism.

Unknown Speaker (01:09:02.840)

No, just no, even if it was like, no, that's, that's very real.

Unknown Speaker (01:09:07.399)

Even if he wasn't a white nationalist, even if he was, if he was just a guy who was really

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in line with our politics, pompous, pretentious fuck, shut up, right.

Unknown Speaker (01:09:18.520)

So in this next clip, uh, Stefan is still on the train and he talks some more about

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this idea of this benevolent collectivism, but again, you have to recognize that what

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he's talking about is being surrounded by only white people and how awesome it is that

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no one yelled at him when he had that show at a bar basically.

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And therefore I feel very strongly that a great treasure has been withheld from me.

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A great treasure has been turned into a curse for me and that the collectivism that is beneficial

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has been driven out by a great thirst to implant in me a collectivism.

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Ah, this just struck me.

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If you drive out the benevolent collectivism, you atomize people, you alienate them from

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their tribe, their peers, their benevolent gang.

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I have for the most part over the course of my career as a public intellectual worked

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hold the fucking shut up, fuck you because you see, collectivism was just terrible.

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Collectivism was awful and therefore those who have organized themselves along collectivist

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lines have a great advantage over me because I lack a tribe.

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I lack a community, I lack a group.

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Shut the fuck up.

Unknown Speaker (01:10:32.479)

Now being out of the studio, the studio is a solitary occupation, it's me and a camera

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being out here with these wonderful people who are organizing and filming and recording

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what it is that I'm doing is a very different experience.

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So that's something interesting to me because he's saying that there's people who are organizing

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and filming and like, you know, there are other people who are involved in this documentary

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and I'll tell you that at the end of this, he has a credit, like the credits.

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There's nobody mentioned at the credits who could have been the camera people.

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There's only one, there's two title cards in the credits.

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One is starring Stefan Molyneux and the other one is thanks to the whites.

Unknown Speaker (01:11:16.600)

No, it's thanks to the people that he interviewed in the documentary and then a Breitbart writer.

Unknown Speaker (01:11:25.239)

I think that it probably was just like, because that Breitbart writer does talk about Polish

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issues a lot.

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Yeah, he was probably like, hey, you should try going to Poland one time.

Unknown Speaker (01:11:32.439)

Right.

Unknown Speaker (01:11:33.439)

And thanks, that guy who works at Breitbart is the only person who doesn't appear on camera

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in the thanks to Freedom Bar, but he doesn't thank the Warsaw Enterprise Institute, which

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is probably not suspicious, but there's nothing in there to indicate that there were camera

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people or editors.

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Is he using a handheld or?

Unknown Speaker (01:11:53.359)

No, no.

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So he doesn't list any of the people who actually...

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No credits for the people who are actually working on this, which again strikes me as

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very suspicious because it's possible that those people were employees of the WEI.

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That sounds right.

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It's very possible that these people don't want credits because it's like, well, the

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fingerprints will be here that'll be too obvious for people to trace back that we brought you

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here to do this propaganda documentary.

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Right, right, right, right.

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Now, I can't prove that, but it's my very strong suspicion.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:23.119)

It could have just been the Warsaw Tourism Board, Dan.

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It doesn't necessarily have to be the Warsaw White Nationalist Party Institute.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:31.239)

It's...

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I don't think they would be there.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:33.239)

No, the Tourism Board is really influential with Stefan Molyneux, our turd polisher Steve.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:38.659)

So you heard there, he's talking about like, I've been deprived of this benevolent, wonderful,

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beneficial collectivism that is all white people hanging out, which is great.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:47.680)

Yeah, the more he uses the word benevolent, the more I want to punch him in the face.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:51.000)

And he's like, I have no team, I have no tribe, and it's like, go fuck yourself.

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You have your group.

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You're doing all right, you white nationalist piece of shit.

Unknown Speaker (01:12:59.739)

So at the end of that clip, he's talking about how like being in the studio is a solitary

Unknown Speaker (01:13:05.760)

exercise.

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It's just me and a camera.

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Which is what he chose to do.

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I mean, that's what he's always done.

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Back in the day, his oldest videos you can find on his YouTube channel are him driving

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around in a car with a camera on him.

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Just driving to work, I guess, or whatever.

Unknown Speaker (01:13:22.479)

Just driving around, giving...

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Just on a commute.

Unknown Speaker (01:13:24.840)

Yeah, just giving like a little like, well, here are my thoughts about blah, blah, blah.

Unknown Speaker (01:13:28.439)

Right, right.

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I'm going to work at my homeopath shop.

Unknown Speaker (01:13:31.880)

So while I'm on the way, let me tell you about collectivism.

Unknown Speaker (01:13:35.600)

He's always sought that singular thing, that individualist thing.

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It's always been what he's about.

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And in this next clip, I think that it comes from him being an antisocial fuck on some

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level, but he blames the globalists for it.

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There is strength in numbers.

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There is strength in community.

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There is power in the tribe.

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The enemy we face is great and powerful and organized and well-financed and enormous in

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number.

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Maybe they tricked me into fighting alone so that I and everyone would just lose.

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Boo!

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Boo!

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Boo!

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Get off the stage, you suck!

Unknown Speaker (01:14:39.140)

Even from like, you take any of the ideas out of it, you're something like that.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:43.560)

Yeah, that sucked.

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Ugh.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:45.560)

Ugh.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:46.560)

Ugh.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:47.560)

Oh my god.

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You mope.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:49.560)

You goddamn mope.

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You tricked me into fighting alone.

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Go fucking cry for yourself, you asshole.

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You dumb, dumb.

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Jesus Christ.

Unknown Speaker (01:14:58.000)

This is so frustrating because it's like, oh, oh, so that asshole in your college philosophy

Unknown Speaker (01:15:03.239)

class could just have started a cult if he tried hard enough and had a British accent?

Unknown Speaker (01:15:08.920)

That is so fucking annoying.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:10.960)

Yeah, maybe.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:11.960)

If you've ever been in college in a philosophy class, you've met this asshole and he's fucking

Unknown Speaker (01:15:16.520)

stupid and you know it.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:18.079)

Yeah, I was a philosophy minor.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:19.079)

I met a number of them.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:20.079)

You met this asshole?

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Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:22.079)

God!

Unknown Speaker (01:15:23.079)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:24.079)

But I mean, one of the things that is important too is that like, I know that you're resistant

Unknown Speaker (01:15:28.560)

to this idea, but Stefan Molyneux is pretty smart.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:31.880)

It's just not the right kind of intelligence.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:33.520)

I didn't say he wasn't smart.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:34.520)

I know, I understand that.

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But people...

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I just said he was a turd polisher.

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People resist whenever I say sort of apparently positive things about awful people to a certain

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extent.

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Right, right, right, right.

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I understand what you're saying.

Unknown Speaker (01:15:47.600)

He's smart in the way that he's able to analyze these ideas and come with a good conclusion.

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He's smart in the way that he's able to package things.

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He's smart in the way he's able to present these ideas as sounding less crazy than they

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actually are.

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He's smart in the way that Ted Cruz was the debate team captain or whatever it is.

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If you want to go back to that metaphor, there's definitely an intelligence there.

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It's just dumb.

Unknown Speaker (01:16:12.720)

So that was on the train, but in this next clip, he's back in the graveyard.

Unknown Speaker (01:16:16.680)

He's talking in the graveyard, and I do think...

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This clip's a little bit longer, but if you really listen to it, I do think that this

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is an accidental condemnation of what he does and what the people he surrounds himself do

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and their effect on the world.

Unknown Speaker (01:16:33.199)

That sounds about right.

Unknown Speaker (01:16:34.199)

If it was natural for us to hate each other, why would so many words and speeches and books

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be required to teach us to hate each other?

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Why would we need to be fed from the black tea to propaganda and sophistry?

Unknown Speaker (01:16:49.079)

Why would we need to constantly be force fed this propaganda if it was natural for us to

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hate each other?

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Where do these graves come from?

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They do not come from human nature.

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They come from the language we imbibe, the language we speak, the hatreds that we sow,

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where we say, this group will exploit you.

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This group will cheat you.

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This group rightfully took what was yours, and we're going to take it back for you by

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force.

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This group deserves to die.

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This group are your friends.

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These groups are your enemies.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:24.319)

This is the language we constantly are given, are force fed.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:29.960)

At this point, a good end to this documentary would be, I'm so sorry for my career.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:36.560)

Yeah, I was going to say, if it was natural to do the things that I do, then why would

Unknown Speaker (01:17:43.340)

I do it?

Unknown Speaker (01:17:44.340)

Oh, no, that's me.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:45.340)

I'm the one who's doing this.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:46.560)

These graves are the result of propaganda.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:48.720)

Yep.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:49.720)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:50.720)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:51.720)

Now take that thought a step further.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:52.960)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:53.960)

I'm a propagandist.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:54.960)

No.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:55.960)

That step isn't taken, and instead it just strengthens his resolve.

Unknown Speaker (01:17:59.720)

That's such the, are we the baddies moment.

Unknown Speaker (01:18:02.439)

Yeah.

Unknown Speaker (01:18:03.439)

And it turns out he's not.

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He is.

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...affects us.

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I do not believe that these hatreds are innate to us, and then the moment that the social

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order breaks down, they erupt like dormant volcanoes and have us at each other's throats

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all the time.

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I believe that we can live in much greater peace.

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There will be differences, there will be disagreements, there will be arguments, but I believe that

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we can live in much greater peace.

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But to live in greater peace, we must be very, very careful about the language that we use

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to describe our group, other groups, or whether there are even groups at all to begin with.

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I believe that we have a much greater common humanity, and we must be taught to hate each

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other.

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Sure.

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I'm fine with that.

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Where do these graves come from?

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These graves come from language.

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These graves come from the seeds of hatred that are sowed by the syllables of sophistry.

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Nice alliteration.

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All right.

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The syllables of sophistry?

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Now, that analysis is so vague as to be meaningless, because he is pointing the finger at himself

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and people like Alex and all of that, but he's doing it with the inversion, with the

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like, no, no, no, no.

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We're the ones who are right.

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We're talking about you globalists to insist on multiculturalism.

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That is the sowing the seeds of sophistry that leads to these graves, which is so abusive.

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That idea of like, I believe that we don't have to hate each other.

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It's just these languages that we use to talk about ourselves and the people we disagree

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with.

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It's like if the Martin Luther King Jr. speech was given by Strom Thurmond.

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You'd be like, no, no, no, no.

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I get where all your words are coming from, but you're a white nationalist, so what you're

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really saying underneath all of this wonderful and beautiful language is, as long as the

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white people are in charge and nobody is allowed to say anything else about us.

Unknown Speaker (01:20:04.159)

Yeah.

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So I mean, I appreciate that point.

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I think you're totally right.

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But I also think that we should call ourselves out because we've been calling Stefan Molyneux

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a white nationalist this entire time.

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And maybe that's unfair.

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It's not unfair because of what he says in this next clip.

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I've also called him turd polisher Steve.

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Let's not forget that.

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Well, more importantly, hear what he says in this next clip.

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We are free to call him a white nationalist.

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First of all, I've always been skeptical of the ideas of white nationalism, of identitarianism

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and white identity.

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However, I am an empiricist and I could not help but notice that I could have peaceful,

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free, easy, civilized and safe discussions in what is essentially an all white country.

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Okay.

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Oh boy.

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All right.

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So.

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Hey buddy.

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Hey Stefan.

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So hold on.

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Hold on.

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You just told on yourself real hard.

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Did he just say what I think he said?

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No one yelled at me.

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So white supremacy is fucking awesome.

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White nationalism is the way to go because no one will call me names.

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So is he, his, his dumb argument is that white nationalism is good because nationalism is

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good and we need to separate ourselves from.

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So I'm in a white nationalist country and it's a white nation.

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It should be for whites.

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If I went to a black nationalist country, that nation should be for blacks.

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I wouldn't be accepted there and never the twain shall meet.

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Now, hey, historically, maybe when there are all white nations, bad shit goes down.

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Could be, could have something to do with why we don't do that anymore.

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But as long as it's all whites, we're good.

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Right.

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He's a, he's a white nationalist.

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Yeah.

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And I think he said as much.

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I think he pretty much outlined it.

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It's not.

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Whenever you say like, I've been resistant to the ideas of white nationalism and identitarianism.

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But I'm an empiricist.

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I'm an empiricist like, hey, I only go by the fact and the fact is no one yelled at

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me here in Poland.

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And that means that the free exchange of ideas is possible as long as everyone is white.

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What a fucking asshole.

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Right.

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And that's, I mean, that's a, that's a level of a terrible thinking that only exists when

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you have a conclusion you want to get to and you're working your way towards it.

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Because anybody who was an empiricist would consider alternatives like, I don't know what

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if I was in Poland for two days and I happened to go to this sanitized version of the Independence

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Day parade and a bar that's run by a group that isn't like a hard right think tank.

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What if I'm only seeing what they want me to see?

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What if I'm not getting the full picture of what it's like to be Polish?

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What if I am only seeing the Warsaw Enterprise Institute's version of what they want the

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message to be?

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That's what an empiricist would ask themselves.

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And they wouldn't just accept this blindly and be like, white nationalism is sweet.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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That only exists if you're trying to justify that.

Unknown Speaker (01:23:27.359)

Well there's, there have been so many examples of that where it's been, they take a well

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known writer and, you know, China or Poland or wherever will bring them in and they'll

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have a tour guide and they'll have somebody who's very carefully orchestrating their entire

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thing.

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So when they write the piece, holy shit, it's overwhelmingly positive.

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That happened with P.G. Wodehouse in World War II.

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He collaborated with the Nazis essentially because they just showed him the version of

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Nazism that they wanted him to see and he did like radio broadcasts that were satirical

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and comedic in nature that minimized the idea of the Nazis being evil.

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Exactly.

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And in those words, he talked about how like, I didn't know what was going on.

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Right.

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That sort of thing.

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And people, it still to his death dogged him, this idea of people who were like, you were

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a Nazi collaborator.

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Yeah.

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Technically he was, but it was because of the curated version of Nazi Germany that was

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shown to him.

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So like, yes, I don't think it's as extreme as those sorts of examples.

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But what Stefan Malinou is doing is the equivalent.

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Yes.

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Absolutely.

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Where there is a very serious situation politically and socially and culturally going on.

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And he is beholden to very clearly this one specific think tank.

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I don't like to be like, ah, this solves everything.

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But as I watch this documentary and the Warsaw Enterprise Institute kept coming up, it can't

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be a coincidence.

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No.

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And the fact that he doesn't bring it up at all, like this is an interesting organization

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or anything like that.

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It cannot be a coincidence.

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It can't be.

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No.

Unknown Speaker (01:25:12.359)

I think, I think it, I'm an empiricist, but I also trust my emotions.

Unknown Speaker (01:25:25.039)

Ah, yes.

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And as we found out from his ridiculous posturing, you cannot be an empiricist if you do not

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also trust your emotions.

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Certainly.

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What a fucking asshole.

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You've got to ask yourself though in question, like what was it that, I mean, I think we

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all at the end of this right now here, I think we all understand that Stefan Malinou went

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to Poland hoping to reach this conclusion and he reached the conclusion white nationalism

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is fucking awesome.

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These people that are seen as extreme aren't as extreme as evidenced by the fact that there

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weren't all kinds of crazy people at this independence march.

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Everyone is totally cool and super wonderful.

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But that still leaves one important question and that is why did he cry?

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That's weird.

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Why did Stefan Malinou cry at that March?

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Because that's fucked up.

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I don't know.

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That's out of care.

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Yeah.

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But he's not like Alex.

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Making a good documentary.

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Sure.

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I mean, it is emotionally resonant to some extent, but he's not like Alex.

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He's not unhinged like Alex.

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Yeah.

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The way that Alex fakes crying or even does cry sometimes about Twitter taking his kids

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away or something like that, that's in Alex's wheeled house.

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With Malinou, that is not part of his presentation and it seems very strange and thankfully he

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describes what happened and why he was moved in this next clip.

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The Poles are not guilty and guilt has been so infused into the hearts and minds of Europeans

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and of whites that to see a shame-free and guilt-free culture, a resilient, strong culture

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that is resisting collectivism is something that moved me more than I can probably ever

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express, but I hope is encapsulated in the footage that you're seeing in this documentary.

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It is.

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I assure you it's encapsulated.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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I mean, you're totally right.

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Why did he say whites?

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You didn't even need to say whites.

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That's your teleco again.

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You didn't need to say whites.

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Just say Polish.

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You literally didn't need to say whites.

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Just say Polish.

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You could have just said the Poles.

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Right.

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Why are the Poles infused with guilt and whites?

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No, you didn't need to say...end the fucking sentence.

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But he can't because that's what he cares about.

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God, that's so fucking annoying.

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Mm-hmm.

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Mm-hmm.

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I hate him so much.

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He's the worst.

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So in this next clip, he talks about how it's great to be in Poland, mostly because everybody's

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white.

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The world is just a horribly profitable vending machine that people pound in order to get

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resources from largely white male taxpayers.

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And it's a horrible shakedown.

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And it's something that should be enormously resisted.

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And if you doubt as to why it should be resisted, look at Poland.

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Look at the glory, the celebration, the peace, the cleanliness everywhere I went.

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The streets are clean.

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The people are civilized.

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I did not see one drunk person.

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I did not see one fistfight.

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I did not see one crazy protester out there threatening violence because there are ideas

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that they don't agree with.

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What's not to love about something like that?

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Well, I don't know.

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Stefan fancies himself a philosopher, Jordan.

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If we hold him to that standard, that sentence, that entire clip is an indictment of his capabilities

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in that realm.

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He's asserting that he saw a wonderful utopia in Poland where there's no fighting or drunk

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people and everything was clean.

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He's ascribing these things he's seen as being a result of the fact that only white people

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were around.

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It's very clear based on the other clips before this.

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Oh, yeah, absolutely.

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No, the only the only conclusion that you can draw from what he's saying is that those

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things only exist because of nonwhites.

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Yeah.

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And I mean, like if you talk about the like sort of concrete versions of this, he's talking

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about the it's clean.

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I didn't see any fights, whatever.

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Like that you have a problem.

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Higher minimum of human existence is your that that's something where you're taking

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like correlation and ascribing causation.

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You haven't the fact that only white people around caused streets to be cleaner in no

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fights.

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Well, everybody knows that when there's only white people around there are clean streets

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and no fights.

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There's no history that would suggest otherwise, Dan, name one place used to live a block away

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from Wrigley Field.

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So where but where he really tells on himself is the when he says everyone is civilized.

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That's where he tells on himself a little bit, because that is not definable in concrete

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terms.

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That is a assessment that he's making as opposed to an empirical analysis of the streets are

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clean.

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There weren't fights.

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Those are things that have metrics behind them.

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There is one fight.

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Oh, there's two fights.

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There's three fights, you know, versus zero or whatever.

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The people are civilized.

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That's what you think about them.

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It's a dog whistle in the same way it would be like and every black person I saw was very

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articulate and you're like, you know what you said, right?

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You know well what you fucking said.

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So even if he is right that there weren't any fights in Poland while he was there, which

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he's not right about, he hasn't proved the causal connection between the things he's

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seeing and the fact that everyone there is white.

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It is sloppy junior varsity level philosophy, if I've ever seen it in my life, right?

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That are to quote Stefan Molyneux, that is not an argument.

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I suppose the only way that you could and I don't know why I'm somehow on the side of

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giving him the benefit of the doubt here is if instead of him saying white, what he meant

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was homogenous.

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Like that's the only way that you could say, well, yes, he has he has more of an argument

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to stand on because because his argument then is because all of the people are like each

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other in the same way, right?

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And they have a shared, let's call it whiteness.

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Then there is far more peace than if there was a let's call it miscegenation, right?

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And we know how well it is when white people say miscegenation, it's great.

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In the same way that all these people hide and Stefan does all the time to hide their

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bigotry behind these lofty intellectualizing masks and that sort of thing.

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He does do that, that idea that it's homogeneity as opposed to whiteness that I'm responding

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to.

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That's what I was thinking.

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But let's imagine him as a empiricist and a philosopher going to a hypothetical all

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black country and experiencing it.

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Do you think he would walk away from being like, oh, everyone is so civilized here.

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Isn't this wonderful?

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Because it's a homogenized society and they treated me with such respect.

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I think he pretends that he would respond the same way, but he would never do this documentary

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about it because what he's interested in is defending white nationalism, white separatism,

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identitarianism.

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Those are the things that he's interested in defending.

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Absolutely.

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So in this next clip, Stefan gives a metaphor about campfires.

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I really don't think he's qualified to make metaphors.

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He's only got a master's degree in history.

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That's true.

Unknown Speaker (01:32:30.619)

Those metaphors are really something that are in his purview.

Unknown Speaker (01:32:33.880)

This one's all right, though.

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It's about keeping the fire.

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So there's a campfire that you got, right?

Unknown Speaker (01:32:38.159)

Yeah.

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It's burning out.

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You got to go get wood.

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But also you got to stay warm by the fire.

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It's existential crisis.

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What are you going to do?

Unknown Speaker (01:32:44.279)

Oh, I don't know.

Unknown Speaker (01:32:45.279)

Well.

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The shallowness and hollowness of Western European culture compared to the seriousness

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and depth of Polish culture is really a startling contrast and something that I will take with

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me to my grave.

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Hold on one second.

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Freedom is like a fire.

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To have a fire, you need to go and gather the firewood.

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You need to light the fire.

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And then, my friends, you know what you need to do?

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You need to tend that fire by keeping non-white people out.

Unknown Speaker (01:33:19.239)

I was going to say, are non-white people the firewood in this metaphor?

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So that you can go out into the woods to gather more firewood, to keep that fire alive and

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pass it down to your children as your fathers passed it down to you.

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Poland is keeping that fire alive, the rest of Western Europe and the rest of the West

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is not.

Unknown Speaker (01:33:41.520)

What?

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What's different about them?

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When the fire...

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Their fires are colder.

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...of liberty, history of your civilization, when it begins to diminish, when it begins

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to die out.

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There is a great temptation to huddle up close to that fire and to stay close and to warm

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yourself from the dying embers and fading coals of that fire, rather than go out into

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the woods to gather more wood to feed that fire and bring it to life again.

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It is so easy to take that fire for granted and to imagine that the fire is not something

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you need to protect and feed, but it's like the sun.

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It burns of its own accord, gives you warmth whether you work for it or not, false.

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It's false and it's a destructive fantasy to imagine that the fire will last as long

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as you and your ancestors have wanted it and as long as you and your descendants draw breath.

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It will not.

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It's very unclear the specifics that he's talking about, but it is clear that because

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he's so emotionally and intrinsically changed by experiencing, like he said it himself,

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I'm suspicious of white nationalism and identitarianism, but I'm an empiricist and what I've seen in

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Poland has made me realize that's pretty cool stuff.

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So if his conclusion comes to the fire of freedom is really delicate, whatever the woods

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are, whatever the firewood, whatever the fire itself is, all of it is about preserving,

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in the best way to phrase it, your culture, but it is white separatism.

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Your culture does not exist if blacks come in.

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Your culture doesn't exist if Muslims come in.

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He can't be that popular and he totally is, isn't he?

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He is.

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He's very popular.

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It is.

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All he has...

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He's pretty popular.

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All he has...

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All he has is a turd polished version of whites are great.

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Every idea that he's presented so far is a different variation of the whites are great,

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but I'm going to say it in a different flowery language.

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It's an infuriating thing for him to do because if you know what he's talking about, no matter

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how much flowery language you use, you're still trying to say the N word.

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You know?

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Well, yeah.

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I mean...

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That's what you're really trying to do.

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Oh, and another piece of it too is like, I understand that he gives a long impassioned

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speech about the Polish struggle in World War II and that, again, is fine.

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Great.

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Yeah.

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We take that as accept.

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I accept that.

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A lot of folks.

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But there's nothing in this documentary that I really see an acknowledgement of what's going

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on presently in Poland.

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There's nothing that indicates to me that he even knows...

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Judah doesn't come up by name at all in the documentary.

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I don't even think the Law and Justice Party comes up.

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The idea that this guy, Kristof Bosock, that he's talking to is someone in the National

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Movement Party.

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The fact that the WEI is so deeply involved in sort of running interference and sort of

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justifying the anti-democratic acts of the government and are behind at least one of

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the interviews he's doing and the bar he goes to.

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I just can't walk away from this documentary without looking at it and thinking, this is

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something that was planned to an extent.

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There's no way that these elements would exist in it so consistently.

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The people who would be publishing articles in Politico justifying the 2017 march that

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became such a embarrassment for these nationalist groups over playing their hand to a certain

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extent.

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All of that would trace back to a single think tank.

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I don't think that it's possible.

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This documentary is only an hour long.

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It's not like he talks to a wide array of people.

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It's not like he goes to many...

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There's four scenes in the documentary.

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There's the interviews.

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I have five.

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There's the interviews.

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There's him standing in the woods in the snow talking.

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There's the parade itself.

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There's him struggling with his own emotions on a train.

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And then there is him in the graveyard.

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That's it.

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That's the entire documentary.

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I assume he has at least one interview with somebody who was at the 2017 march who was...

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Nope.

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I guess who Bosak was for sure when he was involved in it.

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Who was on the receiving end of so much bigotry and horror.

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I assume he has one interview.

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Just as a token interview.

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That's all you need to do.

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Would you be surprised to find out that is not in this at all?

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No.

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Wait.

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No.

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He doesn't have any conversation with anyone who disagrees with him?

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Nope.

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There's a unified front here.

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That seems less like a documentary and more like a propaganda film.

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You bet.

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So we have one more clip and it's how Stefan ends the documentary and it's a little bit

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jarring.

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Liberty is not constant.

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It is not a force of nature.

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It is not a force of gravity.

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It is not an element of physics.

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It is something that must be willed and protected and maintained and kept.

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Every single generation.

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Poland remembers what the rest of the West has forgotten.

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Which is that your freedoms, which take generations to build, the fires of liberty that keep your

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civilization warm, can vanish and go out like that.

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And that's the end.

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Oh.

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Oh.

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Okay.

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Cool, dude.

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So Poland has remembered that.

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Right.

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The only substantive difference between Poland and any other country that even Stefan has

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demonstrated is that everyone is white.

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Yeah.

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It seems like that.

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I don't think that the population...

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Well, you are an empiricist.

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I don't think that the population of Poland is 100% white or anything like that.

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I think it's the version of Poland that he was exposed to.

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Yeah, of course.

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So that's the only thing that is fundamentally different from any other place.

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He was kept cloistered in white separatist, white nationalist enclaves.

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And that is enough for him to say like, they are keeping the fire alive.

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These are the...

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It's insane.

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It is insanely transparent.

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It's all the more so because, man, if I were the Warsaw Enterprises Institute, I would

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go out, I would scour the entire fucking country to find any non-white person who would agree

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with that stuff.

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Oh, sure.

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On camera.

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Oh, that'd be good objects.

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Yeah, one by one, a phone book, name by name, anybody who would be on camera saying that.

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Like, even the Trump administration, yeah, the Trump administration can grab somebody,

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you know, and they'll pretend that he's not racist or whatever it is.

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So the fact that they couldn't even get one.

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It does indicate...

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It's kind of a big deal.

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They couldn't even get one to be at his bar when Stefan's giving a speech.

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Exactly.

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They couldn't get one person to stand to the background while Stefan is videotaping the

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march.

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I will give you 10 grand to stand next to this horrible racist.

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There is no non-white people that I could find.

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I'll say that there is a possibility there's someone way in the background.

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Hey, you know what?

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It happens.

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But I couldn't see anybody that wasn't white in this entire documentary.

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And that's the substantive difference.

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That is what changed Stefan Molyneux's mind from being skeptical of white nationalism

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and identitarianism to being like, thumbs up.

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So that was the end of the documentary, but it's not the end of the video.

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I owe okay.

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The documentary ends with that freedom could disappear just like that.

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Right, right, right.

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You could tell from the sound effect what happened on screen.

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Right.

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Right.

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He could use an editor to pare down his language a little bit.

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But a good editor would probably require a credit.

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But yeah.

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He's not willing to give one.

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Fair.

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So Stefan ends the documentary after the entire corpus of the work is done by coming back

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on camera and pleading with his audience to give him more money so he can do more of his

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work.

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See, he did an encore that was just an ad pivot.

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Ad pivot.

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Nice.

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He's realized that he doesn't want to stay in his studio and that there's a big world

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out there for him to be a racist idiot in, but he needs them to pay for it.

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He needs his cult to provide him the money to be able to do it.

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Incidentally, in August of 2018, Stefan Molyneux made another trip outside of his studio.

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Him and Lauren Southern made a trip to New Zealand where they did a speaking tour.

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Late last week, two mosques in New Zealand were the target of terrorist attacks.

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The hostility toward non-white people being seen as an invading army is all entirely rooted

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in the ideas that people like Stefan Molyneux have made a career off of spreading.

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This mentality isn't new, but it's something that's been made so much worse in recent years

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by propagandists who have validated white terrorism.

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Their lineage comes down from Alex Jones making excuses for Timothy McVeigh all the way down

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to the present day where we've seen Alex Jones making excuses for this terrorist act in New

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Zealand.

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Not even making excuses, just kind of saying that it's a good idea.

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Yeah, kind of get it.

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Kind of get it.

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Hey, hey.

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Right.

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Well, Alex Jones is what we focus on and what we study and we talk about all the time.

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It's always important to recognize that there's a greater ecosystem here that Alex is a part

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of.

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Stefan Molyneux comes on Alex's show, I'm not sure if he comes on that much anymore,

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but he has been a fairly regular guest for a while.

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That's insane.

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He's someone who exists in the same anti-other to capture the bigger picture of it.

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It's an anti-non-white people worldview that Alex is a piece of and it's impossible not

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to see this document as almost a debutante party for himself where he comes out into

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the world and declares himself, you know what, I am a white nationalist.

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We've known, Stefan, we know.

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We've known this for a while and we've been criticizing you for it.

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People have been criticizing him and saying, hey, these ideas you're expressing are explicitly

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white supremacist, white nationalist, you're a piece of shit.

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That's why he gets yelled at when he goes and gives speaking engagements.

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So when he goes to Poland and he's in this enclave that's a very safe space for him and

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he's like, oh my God, it's all white people around.

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Isn't this fucking awesome?

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Isn't this the best thing ever?

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He comes out and he recognizes I am a white nationalist and that means two things.

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One, no shit you are and second, fuck you for being mad at people, for yelling it at

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you.

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How dare you?

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How dare you be mad that people yell, hey, you're a white nationalist when all it took

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for you to get in a documentary that you presumably have final cut on and say, I always was suspicious

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of white nationalism, but I'm an empiricist and Poland has shown me pretty good stuff.

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How dare you?

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How dare you pretend that the people criticizing you didn't have a point.

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They knew who you were before you were ready to admit it.

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Yeah.

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Um, not the best wacky Wednesday.

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Not too wacky, but uh, who do we got, who do we got on this episode?

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I mean, we got plugs first, but I'm really trying to like anybody in my head that's been

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mentioned in this episode.

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I'm struggling.

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I mean, a lot of them didn't, uh, didn't kill anybody, but I'll say really Andy Eddles,

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who was that language teacher, uh, who is complaining about how all the, the parade

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in 2017 was a bunch of the football hooligans, hijacking patriotism.

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Oh yeah, that's fair.

Unknown Speaker (01:45:55.239)

I would say that Andy Eddles probably has never killed anybody.

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All right.

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Well first I would say that we have a Twitter.

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Right.

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And a website.

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Knowledgefight.com.

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Knowledgefight.com.

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And it's at knowledge underscore fight.

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That's correct.

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Then we also have a group called go home and tell your mother you're brilliant.

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You can download us on iTunes, uh, subscribe Lee review all of those fun things.

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And now that we have already decided who is going to be the language teacher, uh, in Poland

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has never killed anybody.

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Uh, but one guy who technically has probably technically is Alex Jones.

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Andy in Kansas.

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You're on the air.

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Thanks for holding.

Unknown Speaker (01:46:31.960)

Hello Alex.

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I'm a first time caller.

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I'm a huge fan.

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I love your work.

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I love you.